They wear the same school uniform, a non-descript green jersey over white blouses for the girls, the boys wearing green sweaters despite the heat, with grey trousers and white shirts. We first discuss their app use. Residents of the shelter are not permitted to use mobile phones, so the teens first speak of what they used before. The girls lead the conversation, describing their use of Facebook and Instagram, every once in a while prompting the boys to agree or add their own anecdotes. Aside from the higher risks, these teens could be any teens, speaking about using social media to chat with friends, to meet people, to play games.
She continues to use social media in much the same way as before, she has multiple accounts and talks to strangers online. Like other teens, she sees risk as part of using social media. Unclear is whether her experience has reduced her amount of risk-taking online.
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1. Improved training for social workers and counsellors in fostering digital literacy among vulnerable children and teens would encourage conversations around device and app use, rather than outright restriction. Particularly for the teens, we spoke with at shelters, empowerment for social workers, counsellors, auxiliary protection workers, and educators in healthy engagement with contacts and content in social media use is essential for youth safety and ability to contribute positively to their communities.
Photo credits: in-text photos by Monica Bulger: 1) Response to what bothers you about the Internet, a secondary school in Bangkok; 2) Focus group insights from teens, after school programme for street children in Jakarta.
Thai police working together with labor rights advocates freed 19 migrant workers, some still in their teens, from an ice factory early this month after one of the migrants escaped and described to police the conditions in which they were being held.
When he was a U.S. Army chaplain in World War II, John L. Peters watched teen-age G.I.s die in his arms. He saw other kinds of suffering too. He never forgot the hungry Filipinos who picked food from his regiment's garbage pails. Back in his job as professor of religion at Oklahoma City University, Methodist Peters read with profound attention how the misery that he had glimpsed in Asia was being exploited by Communism.
The Dust of Empire cannot be dismissed as mere anti-American rhetoric by "evil versus good" theorists. Take for instance the question of Islamic opposition to Western domination in Iran, the Caucasus region or Afghanistan. A penetrative historical dissection present in the chapter on Iran squarely blames American policy and the Shahâ@Ys stupidity for the revolution of 1979 and the subsequent hostage crisis. A rare gem on the Caucasus, perhaps a region least known to scholars everywhere, locates the genesis of Chechen resistance in the crucible of Tsarist ambitions for a greater Russia. Russians were particularly ruthless when it came to dealing with the hardy Caucasian Muslims or the remnants of the Golden Horde in the Crimea. Faced with a "dilemma of what to do when the goals of Russification and modernization conflicted, as they did time and again, with native beliefs and stubborn ethnicity" (p. 163), the Russians followed a policy of war, annihilation, deforestation and deportation thus alienating successive generations in the area. The Christian civilizing mission, since the days of Catherine the Great and Potemkin, was executed with characteristic imperialistic zeal and disdain for local feeling by the Anglophile "patrician libral" (p. 158), and Tsar Alexanderâ@Ys favorite, Count Mikhail S. Vorontsov until his death in 1856. After the Great War, imperialist history continued. Following the Bolshevik victories over the White armies, Stalin and his henchman Molotov "were guided by traditional tsarist perspectives on territorial expansion and imperialism" (p. 162). Finally, "even seven decades of scientific socialism failed to narrow the abyss of distrust between Muslims and Christians. Nor did the Soviets ever manage, with all their sacred texts by Marx and Lenin, to master the mysteries of Islam" (p. 167).
In the scheme of history which guides the author's research, modern imperialism emanates from a mix of Western notions of liberalism, historical progress, the nation-state, colonial paternalism, racial superiority and religious self-righteousness. All these notions of Western civilization are brought to bear on the subject in such a way that the reader is stimulated to examine the problem of modernity afresh (see the introduction and chapter 1). The greatest weakness of imperialism which emerges from this survey is the steadfast refusal of all imperialists to allow subject peoples the power to decide their own future. This creates the difference between liberalism and democracy--to pursue a liberal agenda disguising exploitation of regional resources either in the form of capitalist progress or communist utopia is rarely the same thing as democracy. For instance, the feudal Count Vorontsov was a liberal as far as modernization drives were concerned, but his methods were authoritarian. In this context the similarities between British, Russian and American attempts at dominating the Eurasian land mass are striking and commendably narrated by Meyer. The absence of democracy renders countries like the Central Asian Republics bereft of stabilizing institutions and popular freedom. Without a democracy which enforces accountability upon the ruling elite, a country is more likely to drain away its national wealth to its imperialist master. This is what happened in Iran between 1953 and 1979, and might possibly happen in the relatively new central Asian states. History shows why and how the imposition of foreign rule, even if it is guided by the purest of philanthropic intentions, is ultimately opposed by the dominated and exploited people.
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